At the time of independence in 1957, Ghana had a better legacy than many other countries in the sub-Saharan region
At the time of independence in 1957, Ghana had a better legacy than many other countries in the sub-Saharan region. It was the largest producer and exporter of cocoa in the world, exported one-tenth of the world's gold and had substantial foreign exchange reserves. Moreover, its infrastructure was relatively well developed coupled with the best-trained and skilled workforce in the region.
At the time of independence in 1957, Ghana had a better legacy than many other countries in the sub-Saharan region. It was the largest producer and exporter of cocoa in the world, exported one-tenth of the world's gold and had substantial foreign exchange reserves. Moreover, its infrastructure was relatively well developed coupled with the best-trained and skilled workforce in the region.
Ghana's per capita income identified it as a middle-income country, comparable to South Korea. By the mid-to the late 1960s, however, the situation had changed radically: growth had fallen to 0.4 per cent, foreign exchange reserves had been hugely depleted, and the external debt had reached unsustainable levels. Standard of living fell, with the minimum wage at half the level of independence with considerably higher levels of poverty.
This recession continued throughout the 1970s. Between 1970 and 1983 import volumes fell by 33 per cent whiles export earnings in real terms halved with domestic savings and investments falling from 12 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) to effectively zero. Moreover, a severe drought in the late 1970s and early 1980s compounded by the repatriation of Ghanaians from Nigeria in 1983 added to the woes of the Ghanaian economy (Gockel and Amu, 2003).
By the early 1980s inflation stood at more than 100 per cent and per capita incomes had fallen from US $1,009 in 1960, to US $739. From Figure 4.1, we observe that from 1960 to 1983, a youthful Ghana experienced very erratic growth. That period was considered the'dark years' recording low, sometimes negative, unstable GDP growth. After 1983, which marks the start of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP), growth stabilized around the 5 per cent mark up until 2008 where growth began to fluctuate again.
In the last decade Ghana has continued to register relatively commendable economic growth rates, but its recent experiences suggest major macroeconomic challenges in the form of a sharp currency depreciation, deepening energy crisis, deteriorating macroeconomic imbalance, rising inflation and interest rates. Over time, budget deficits and inflation have continued to remain high, with successive governments finding it quite a challenge to reduce them significantly. This is why,Over the last several decades of Ghana’s economic development, as considered in this study, two distinctly different economic strategies have been pursued by the government of the country.
There existed some form of economic planning even before Ghana’s independence in 1957 and, over the years, government controls in resource allocation became marked, particularly so during the late 1970s and early 1980s. But, with the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP), initiated in 1983, a diametrically opposite policy regime was instituted. With the ERP, there began implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) under close supervision by the IMF and the World Bank. This chapter presents a chronological account of the policies and reforms pursued by the country.
In the next section (Sect. 2.2), we list the various development plans as prepared/implemented which, in the late 1970s and the early 1980s, left the economy labouring under a severe form of price controls. Section 2.3 deals with the initiation of the ERP, in particular, ERP I (1983–1986) and ERP II (1986–1989).